Napoleon in 1812

When he first started to work in the Special Economic Committee, François Carnot did not really like it.

This was because Napoleon Bonaparte was not a leader in line with his values, nor was he pursuing the politics he wanted. Carnot loved his country, France, but he did not want to work for the Emperor, who had been acting like a tyrant.

Even when the Emperor brought an unexpectedly great victory in the war against Russia, the political and economic professor at Heidelberg University had still no interest in the him. When he was forced to come here by the Emperor’s wicked trick, Carnot even thought of hiding his whereabouts and running away.

The ‘Imperial-Federal Mobilization Decree’ issued in January 1812, is abolished. The age and standards of conscription will revert to before 1812, and active-duty soldiers who don’t meet the standards anymore can be discharged at any time if they want.

From now on, the censorship of all the media and culture in the Empire is abolished. Citizens are free to express and post their thoughts, ideals, and opinions in writing, theater, music, or any kind of art, without any penalty.

The announcement of September 4, 1812 in the Imperial Council, called the ‘Luxembourg Decree’, rang a storm throughout France.

A war maniac who fought endless wars of greed, ignorance, and delusion, and a ruthless tyrant who was driving the country to ruin, heading toward pure dictatorship without accepting any remark or criticism about him. Napoleon Bonaparte, the French Emperor he knew, was by far the farthest from the word freedom, tolerance, and moderation.

Such an emperor shook Paris’ politics by issuing an edict that was completely contrary to what he had done so far, which stimulated Carnot’s interest. Eventually, he ended up participating in a strange temporary organization called the Special Economic Committee.

To be honest, Carnot at this time seemed to regret his foolish choice a little bit.

“The Russian expedition was successfully concluded, but the war on the Iberian Peninsula on the other side is an old disease making France rotting from inside.”

The Empire was already in tatters. The French Empire, which was proudly called the successor of the great Roman Empire, was just a shell that was swollen on the surface and hollow on the inside. Why did he take this position without checking the situation of the Empire, which was festering beyond imagination? Regretful, Carnot soon discovered other interesting things.

‘His Majesty ordered all of this?’

‘That’s right, sir.’

‘Hmm…’

After the Emperor left for Iberia to end the war on the peninsula, Carnot heared his orders through officials of the Special Economic Committee.

What Carnot felt at that time was pure surprise… only surprise.

The Emperor sought to promote the commercial activities of small inland towns by removing tariffs for the people who traveled and engaged in trade activities. At a time when numerous French workers poured into society after the abolition of the Imperial-Federal Mobilization Decree, his intention was to revitalize domestic demand and the local economy to lead the economic revival. It was a very appropriate measure for the present situation of the Empire.

Carnot also did not hide his admiration for the transformation of accepting new technologies from Britain and trying to imitate the mechanical revolution at the national level.

The new power sources, including coal and steam engines, would change all industries and economic structures in the world. It came as a fresh shock to Carnot that the Emperor, who had been only interested in war and looting, knew their value.

The Emperor also operated on the negligent management of local governments and drove out corruption, enhancing the financial health of the Empire itself. In this way, the government strengthened the administrative power of the Empire by electing a large number of state-approved officials and bureaucrats with increased revenues. When he received a letter from the Emperor saying that he was considering reforming the tax system, Carnot unknowingly slapped his knee.

“The Empire was in such a tight spot that it would not have been strange if the country collapsed. However, the Emperor created the momentum to stabilize and advance the Empire by taking the best measures that could be taken in this situation. I wonder why he had been so clumsy at dealing with economic problems when he had this ability.”

Carnot smirked while muttering.

The purpose was clear, the process was clear and the results were encouraging. On a second thought, the reforms and systems proposed by the Emperor were innovative and efficient, to the point that there were no more appropriate measures to take. If Carnot had been in charge of the Treasury Department of the Empire, he would certainly have set the direction and order of reforms in this way.

‘That’s why I had this strange sense of deja vu when I saw the changes in the Empire. It’s fascinating.’

It was around that time that he became curious about the individual Napoleon Bonaparte.

Although it was part of his work as he wrote reports, he had never imagined that he would exchange greetings through letters with a dictator whom he had been reluctant to meet at first. And so, Carnot and the Emperor had time to discuss the progress of the reforms and the contents of the next reorganization, as well as to learn about each other’s thoughts, values, and tendencies through the letters they wrote to explain the status of the Empire.

As he learned more about the Emperor in this way, Carnot found out that he was very different from the public perception, and from his own perception.

The Emperor was more sophisticated and patient than he thought, he knew how to speak interestingly, and he was an enterprising and non-authoritative figure. Although he had become the Emperor almost a decade ago, he did not act like a pretentious noble, and rather gave him an innovative and passionate revolutionary feel.

The Emperor, who had destroyed the Republic built after the revolution and had established an Empire where he was the sole monarch, had revolutionary ideas? He was unique enough to match this contradictory social position and inclination. Carnot still did not really want to work for him, but… he was interested in watching.

Carnot pulled himself out of his chair and walked through the inner corridor of the building, which was as still as death. And he took out a letter from the bottom of his coat pocket. In the letter sender’s compartment was inscribed the name of Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord, the former foreign minister of the French Empire.

===

Berlin Palace, located in the capital of the Kingdom of Prussia, in Brandenburg, was the holy land of the Hohenzollern family. King Friedrich Wilhelm III of Prussia[1], who lived there, had now a very troubling problem. He crumpled a document nervously and rubbed his dark eyes.

“Someone do something to this impetuous, stubborn old man!”

“…”

However, all the people inside the residence of the Berlin Palace simple avoided the King’s gaze. Only Gerhard Johann David von Scharnhorst[2], chief of staff in the Prussian army, responded as he stepped forward.

“I have sent Lieutenant General Ludwig Yorck, who is close to the Count of Wahlstatt (Blücher).[3] He will be able to persuade the stubborn former commander of the Pomeranian army, Your Majesty.”

“Really… now we have to depend on a retired general. It’s so frustrating!”

Friedrich Wilhelm III still expressed his displeasure by clicking his tongue, but did not say anything more.

Gebhard Leberecht von Blücher, the former commander of the Pomeranian army and a general of the Kingdom of Prussia, had recently moved to a noble house right next to the Potsdam Palace. This was why Friedrich Wilhelm III was irritated.

After losing the war in 1806-1807, Prussia had lost more than half of its territory to France.[4] This humiliating defeat and agreement were sufficient to stimulate the patriotism and fighting spirit of the Prussian people, and even maximized their anti-French sentiment.

Some people, disappointed by the Prussian government’s failure to counter the French oppression and tyranny, became a political force and initiated various actions. They pressured the Prussian government, including Friedrich Wilhelm III, by protesting in front of the Berlin Palace, putting up posters expressing their opinions, and wrote books and plays showing their hostility toward France.

Blücher, who was stubborn, tough, and more anti-French than any of the Prussian generals, happened to be at the forefront of the patriotic forces in Prussia because of his tendency and position. It was reported that the retired veteran was staying in his hometown of Rostock and recently moved his residence next to the Potsdam Palace.

‘Next to the Palace of Potsdam… Isn’t that too obvious!’

The Potsdam Palace was a palace just ahead of Berlin, but the bigger reason was that it was the place where Friedrich the Great[5], who had founded current Prussia, was buried.

Friedrich the Great, who had made current Prussia by fighting against neighboring powers such as France, Austria, Russia and Sweden, had loved the Potsdam Palace and had stayed there all the time until his death. The reason Blücher moved next to it was to imitate the will of the Great King, whose fighting spirit had burned even in the siege formed by European powers in the past.

At the same time, he was declaring to the main forces in Prussia and Friedrich Wilhelm III: ‘Let’s go out like Friedrich the Great and fight proudly against the French oppression.’ In those days, it was a political maneuver that could rekindle the aspirations of those who dreamed of a glorious and powerful army and nation.

Friedrich Wilhelm III was weary of this situation and of his generals.

===

A gray-haired old man, with a long brown mustache, was regularly tapping on the table with his fingers as he looked at the Potsdam Palace, visible outside the window. He was Gebhard Leberecht von Blücher, Count of Wahlstatt, who was making Friedrich Wilhelm III’s head ache.

Major General August von Gneisenau[6], who had seen him for a long time, could tell. Blücher pretended not to be excited, but inside he had great expectations. He had been like this ever since he met a secret envoy from Russia.

“Expectation is good, but the time you wish for is still far from now.”

“But isn’t it enough to just know that the end exists? I can happily wait. I pray to God every day to have a chance to cut that damn Corsican peasant’s throat with my own hands on the battlefield.”

Blücher, grinning, continued as he looked at Major General Gneisenau.

“Now that I have moved my residence here, His Majesty will send someone to me, as you claimed.”

“That’s right. He will ask you to leave the city of Potsdam through them.”

Although Blücher had a long military career and such a reputation that he was respected and admired by former Prussian soldiers, he was almost at the same level in terms of political influence. It was Gneisenau who was sitting right in front of him that made him the leader of the Prussian Patriots.

Moving Blücher’s residence next to the Potsdam Palace was also the result of General Gneisenau’s advice.

“I don’t know anything else, but I’m good at sitting heavily. No matter what His Majesty says, I will not falter.”

“Berlin media, who have previously insisted on fighting the French, have already described you as a soldier who will recreate the indomitable resolve that Friedrich the Great showed. The longer you hold out here, the stronger Prussia’s commitment to war will be.”

The war against France was inevitable.

And Gneisenau thought that the earlier it started, the more favorable it would be for Prussia and their other anti-French allies.

However, that was not the case right now.

“Isn’t now the best time, when Nabot and those stupid frogs are stranded on the Iberian Peninsula?”

“A lot of our soldiers have been wasted in the war, and it’s the same for Austria and Russia. We need more time to fill the void and train the new recruits. We need to be more careful because we need to keep it out of the eyes of the French spies.”

Although Prussia could not have more than 55,000 regular troops under Napoleon’s coercive treaty (though this was also a relaxed measure, it had originally been 40,000), they were building an army in the dark with various tricks.

This was done under the leadership of Friedrich Wilhelm III, which also meant that even those who opposed the war were preparing to face France one day. If that time came, the commander-in-chief who would command the Prussian army would be Blücher.

Blücher was looking forward to that day.

“Have you heard about Arthur Wellesley’s and Napoleon Bonaparte’s fight alongside the Arlanzón River banks?”

“I heared the results of the battle this morning, while eating bacon and brötchen (German bread). I didn’t expect the British to eventually step down from this battle of fools!”

Blücher simply downgraded the battle of the century to a ‘battle of fools’.

He did not like England either, but it was still a hundred times better than France. The news that the coalition had been defeated by Napoleon was not pleasing to Blücher, who was preparing to fight back.

“If Arthur Wellesley had a separate unit to attack the enemy’s flank, he wouldn’t have backed down like this. If I had been there, I would have sent Nabot to Valhalla.”

“I’m sure this day will come.”

The swords pointed at Napoleon began to move little by little.

During the Battle of Waterloo, Blücher struck Napoleon’s flank and turned the tide of the battle.

[1] Frederick William III of Prussia

[2] Gerhard von Scharnhorst

Frederick William III (painted by Thomas Lawrence) and Gerhard von Scharnhorst (painted by Friedrich Bury):

[3] Ludwig Yorck von Wartenburg, Gebhard Leberecht von Blücher

[4] War of the Fourth Coalition, here are the territories that Prussia lost after the Treaty of Tilsit:

[5] Frederick the Great

[6] August Neidhardt von Gneisenau

August von Gneisenau (painted by George Dawe) and Gebhard Leberecht von Blücher (painter unknown):